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Opiate of a billion
Cricket has transformed India, as much
as India has transformed the sport.
By : Boria Majumdar

ekdin |
| Grieving fans: a ‘funeral’ for Indian cricket,
following the country’s World Cup 2007 failure |
Indian cricket changed overnight.
All it took was the excitement and energy following one victory:
India’s World Cup win on 25 June 1983. That evening,
what used to be a mere sport was converted into a lucrative
career option, and cricketers into default national icons.
And from then on Indians – and along with them, the
rest of the region – began to look to cricket as both
a relaxant and something into which to channel their energies,
patriotic and otherwise. Soon enough, the corporate world
would take note – and the rest of the world would follow.
Cricket has been played in
the Subcontinent since at least the early 18th century, but
it was only around the close of the 19th century that the
game began to assume particular significance in the region.
With the inception of an influential cricket series in Bombay
in 1892, the game’s popularity increased, and by the
1930s, the Pentangular matches (so-called for their inclusion
of Europeans, Parsis, Hindus, Muslims and ‘the rest’)
were being viewed by 25,000 or more spectators. The Indian
Cricket Board was formed in 1928, and India played its first
Test match at Lords, in London, on 25 June 1932.
But it was only after India’s
triumph in 1983 that the game came to be perceived as a viable
path to fame and income for middle- and lower-middle-class
Indians. That victory paved the way for corporate sponsors
to invest in cricket, in anticipation of rich dividends. It
also gave the media events for it to build hype around, and
cricket proved a salve for a troubled nation. Today, no hyperbole
can capture the importance of cricket in the everyday life
of the country. And the reason for this can be traced to one
of modern India’s most sensitive disconnects: India
is the world’s second-most populous country, but its
global presence remains relatively less significant. On the
political stage and the economic front, although desperately
trying to edge herself into the circle of super powers, India
has not quite made it.
This marginality is especially
prominent in sport. In the past two summer Olympics, the Indian
tri-colour was hoisted in victory only once. India has never
won a gold medal in a non-team sport in the Olympics. As Indians
turn their attention to cricket, however, the narrative of
‘catching up’ suddenly disappears. Cricket is
the only realm where Indians, for the past two decades, have
consistently – the World Cup debacle in the West Indies
this March notwithstanding – been able to flex their
muscle. It is India’s only crack at world domination.
Clearly, the widely voiced aphorism is true: for Indians,
cricket is much more than a game.
In the two decades since 1983,
the craze for cricket has become a veritable mania. In the
contemporary sporting world, few would argue with the assertion
that, economically at least, India is the new cricketing superpower.
As a consequence, cricket has become integral to defining
the culture of postcolonial India, a country anxious to define
its position in a world rapidly changing and characterised
by globalisation and growing inter-dependence. As was evident
during this year’s Cricket World Cup, for the short
duration that Indian hopes were alive, cricket mania completely
dominated the country. During the week of 17-23 March, all
other news seemed to melt into the background as millions
of Indians sat glued to their television sets, following their
team’s every move.

illustrated history of indian cricket |
| India’s squad to England,
1932 |
As was to be expected, cricket
commerce was also at an all-time high during the series. Given
the amount of attention focussed on it, India’s early
loss led to widespread dejection, vandalism and public wrath
across the country. (A similar situation held sway across
the country’s western border, after Pakistan too suffered
an early and ignominious defeat.) This is because the fortunes
of the Indian cricket team encapsulate the story of postcolonial
India in microcosm: a tapestry being woven around the performance
of 11 men, who carry on their shoulders the hopes and demands
of a country of a billion. Feel-good space The Indian
madness for cricket does not transfer to other sport. Indeed,
the attention drawn by the country’s two other popular
games, football and hockey, does not compare, even though
the latter is technically India’s national game. Since
the mid- to late 1970s, Indian teams have fared poorly in
these games at the international level. In hockey, India performed
miserably in the Olympics and the Champions Trophy tournaments
during the 1980s and 1990s; in the eight-country tournament
held in the Netherlands in August 2005, the Indian hockey
team finished a dismal seventh. Though it did win India bronze
medals in the 1968 and 1972 Olympics, hockey’s popularity
has notably diminished over the past three decades –
during which time cricket’s ratings have skyrocketed.
Meanwhile, the last time that
Indian football performed decently was at the Bangkok Asian
Games in 1970, where the team won a bronze. Since then, the
tale of football in the country has been one of continuous
decline; in rankings for June 2007 compiled by the International
Football Association (FIFA), India placed at 161st. Football
infrastructure in the country is such that FIFA’s president,
Sepp Blatter, argued during a recent visit that India should
not hope to enter the sport’s big league anytime in
the next two decades.
Both football and hockey have
longstanding histories in India, and the reasons for the decline
of their play in the country are many. The Indian Olympic
Association, the All India Football Federation and the Indian
Hockey Federation have all recently accused the corporate
world and the media of what they perceive as unfair treatment
of these two sports. While there is a kernel of truth to these
contentions, poor marketing strategies, internal politicking
and the myopic views of the officials who run these institutions
have also accounted for their sports’ stagnation.
Given India’s history
of failure in other team sports, the Indian public has grown
accustomed to leading on the cricket team. Somewhere along
the way, appreciation of individual performance came to be
drowned out by the clamour for national victory. Players are
now lauded not for great innings so much as for those performances,
however brief they may be, that have proven decisive. After
his penultimate ball four against Pakistan in the final of
the Independence Cup in Dhaka in January 1998, Hrishikesh
Kanitkar was as much a star as Saurav Ganguly or Robin Singh,
both of whom had scored very high in the same match. Stars
are made on the basis of last-minute saves. Thus, a young
Sachin Tendulkar, a relative newcomer in 1993, whose meagre
score of 15 runs had been a disappointment in that year’s
Hero Cup semi-final against South Africa, was catapulted to
stardom when he conceded only three runs while bowling in
the last over. The crowd hailed a saviour who had brought
victory by two runs; Tendulkar’s sad 15 was forgotten.
Cricket today provides India
a feel-good space, where nearly all differences can be overcome.
The assertion of an Indian ‘identity’, the expression
of cultural nationalism or the feeling of a common emotion
– these are no longer confined to the stadium and post-match
activities. For instance, a poll conducted a few years back
found that more than 50 percent of India’s youth would
prefer to live in another country. However, as journalist
Sandipan Deb has observed: “Even when they do go away
to some other country, they have a live cricket scorecard
open surreptitiously on their computer monitors throughout
their working day, and they turn out in daunting numbers at
the stadium whenever India’s playing in their adopted
country.” The global Indian wants simultaneously to
escape his country and to embrace it. Clearly, cricket is
no longer a mere ‘national’ obsession.
Anthropologist Robert Foster
has offered similar analysis of the role played by the Papua
New Guinean rugby star Marcus Bai in stirring the Papuan national
consciousness. Similar to Bai’s role vis-à-vis
his countrymen, cricket in India is no longer a vehicle for
merely imagining the nation, but has become one by which to
transcend the nation – to escape the troubled country,
even, through a form of ‘imagined cosmopolitanism’.
Foster says that such imagining conjures a utopian vision
for the future, one where a Papuan, or an Indian, can engage
with the world on a level playing field. In India, however,
cricket provides far more than an opportunity for imagination.
The sport allows postcolonial India to assert itself on the
world stage.
The postcolonial game
For a short while, India’s craze for cricket succeeded
in hiding the grim realities confronting many of the region’s
countries, particularly with regards to poverty. Retired cricketers
faced destitution, and it was, and to some extent still is,
commonplace to hear of former players being rescued from inhumane
conditions by human-rights workers and the most ardent of
fans. If this was the fate of once beloved sportsmen, there
was little wonder about the circumstances of much of the rest
of the population.

illustrated history of indian cricket |
Since the turn of the millennium,
things have begun to change. In 2004-5, the Board of Control
for Cricket in India (BCCI) formally started a pension scheme,
converting cricket into a proto-industry. Any player who has
represented the country now qualifies to receive a monthly
pension of at least INR 25,000 from the cricket establishment,
for as long as he lives. Players’ widows are also part
of the scheme. Perhaps most significantly, however, a proposal
is now under discussion to extend the pension scheme to India’s
roughly 50,000 national-level, interstate players, known as
Ranji Trophy cricketers. Doing so would suddenly allow for
a relatively large constituency to see cricket on a national
level as a realistic, stable, life-long career.
Even as it finally begins to
look to the well-being of its non-international players, Indian
cricketing has felt confident enough to turn its attention
to its would-be competitors – namely, other sports.
Take a look at the following news release, from May 2006:
The Indian cricket team will
play a match every year to raise around Rs 45 crore to promote
other games in the country. “It is not only cricket
the BCCI is worried about. It will spend Rs 50 crore every
year on training the country’s top-ranking junior player
of any individual game played in the Olympics,” BCCI
president Sharad Pawar said. He concluded saying, “It
is not good for the country that we are not winning golds
in the Olympics. Cricket has people’s cooperation and
the board’s finances are improving. It is appropriate
for the board to assist other games.”
Indeed, through the pension
scheme and through these new efforts to give players of other
sports a boost, Indian cricket has undertaken an important
programme of ensuring that sport is, for the first time, able
to directly benefit a significant and growing group of people
in the country. During the course of what may be seen as a
decade-long transition, cricket has become the first Southasian
example of what could be called a ‘postcolonial’
sport. As recently as the 1990s, despite its vast popularity
and increasing financial might, national-level cricket was
still essentially just a game – a game that rich people
played while poor people worked. Several factors during the
past decade led to the establishment of cricket as an institution,
one in which several groups of participants – cricketers
themselves, but also administrators, fans and sponsors –
have a stake.
Eastern colonialism
The opening up of the Indian economy during the 1990s, coupled
with the role of the new media, stimulated the solidifying
of a commercialised, and increasingly jingoistic, cricket
culture. Until a 1995 judgement by the Supreme Court, the
state-owned television channel Doordarshan had monopoly rebroadcast
rights over Indian cricket. Following the decision, however,
the BCCI suddenly found itself able to sell telecast rights
of cricket matches in India to any private broadcaster. What
followed was a phenomenal influx of corporate finance to Indian
cricket.
Soon, and just as the Indian
public was being drawn into the global economy, names like
Sachin Tendulkar and Rahul Dravid began promoting various
brands of products. Indeed, cricket became inseparable from
brand names. Though an indulgence for most Indians, Adidas,
Nike, Reebok and other cricketer-endorsed brands found a place
in the cricket enthusiast’s participation in the game.
Off-field, drinking a particular soft drink became importantly
symbolic of participation in national triumphs. The 1996 World
Cup hosted in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, for example,
is remembered as much for being an organisational success
as for the advertising war that took place between Pepsi and
Coke.
For their part, cricketers
went from being mere glamour icons to becoming integral parts
of the entertainment/advertisement economy. Soon, in India
at least, they were able to directly influence the day-to-day
lives of the masses, whether in generating active patriotism,
inadvertently inducing destruction following failure in matches,
or building and fashioning a consumer culture. Cricket stars
began shaping lives.
As India’s cricketers
rose in stature, the country was increasingly able to disengage
itself from its colonial past. This is visible in particular
by the ease with which the Subcontinent has been able to overpower
Western countries to win rights to host World Cup competitions.
Indeed, no other country can match Indian cricket’s
current financial muscle. As such, over the course of the
past decade, the economic nerve centre of world cricket has
firmly shifted away from the West, particularly England, and
towards Southasia (see box).
Cricket’s iconic status
within the Southasian diaspora underlines the region’s
transformation into the new centre of global cricket. One
simple example from 2004 is enough to prove the point. During
the inaugural match of the Champions Trophy in Birmingham,
England, not a single hoarding board at the event advertised
for a local company – they were all from the Subcontinent.
And Southasia (or at least India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and
Bangladesh), despite being a tardy entrant into the contest
to win the rights to host the 2011 World Cup, was eventually
the runaway winner. Are we now seeing an Eastern economic
imperialism, with its basis in cricket, colonising the West
in the global sporting village of the 21st century?
A leisurely pastime
The movement of cricket’s
global power centre was borne out particularly sharply
to this writer when, in March 2006, England won a famous
victory in Bombay, beating India in the third Test match.
After watching the English victory, I left my friends’
house in a quiet London suburb. The loss had left me
crestfallen, and I assumed that everyone in the London
Underground would be discussing the game. As it turned
out, however, cricket in England is hardly the game
it once was. Only us Southasians, it seemed, really
bothered about what was happening back home, and awoke
early in the morning to watch the action. For the English,
cricket has become nothing more than a leisurely pastime.
In the crowded train,
I listened in on a football-related conversation between
six British teenagers. On inquiring what they thought
of the English cricket squad’s recent victory
over India, I was told, “We didn’t know
that England was playing a friendly against India!”
Upon clarifying that I was talking about cricket, not
football, the group was quick to point out that after
the biannual Ashes series between England and Australia,
cricket generally falls out of focus in most London
homes.
Though thoroughly
confused, I became determined to find out whether cricket
had any substantial presence in central London. It did
not seem unreasonable, after all, to expect that analysis
of the recent match would be shown on the television
screens of at least some shops in the area. But a subsequent
stroll proved me wrong. In direct opposition to Southasia,
nearly all the televisions I saw were beaming football
updates. In the working-class neighbourhood in Oxford,
the sole place where a pedestrian could catch some cricket
news was the local grocery, owned by a Pakistani man
whom locals called Lalaji. This dingy corner store stoically
continued to air cricket around the clock, despite the
expense required to subscribe to the requisite channel.
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