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Commentary / PAKISTAN
Danger: momentum dissipating
The most significant peace
process in Southasia has hit a stalemate. After remarkable
progress, the India-Pakistan rapprochement appears to have
slipped down in the policymakers’ priorities. The fact
that a six-decade-long embittered relationship has gradually
transformed into one of relative peace over the past three
years is an achievement. But this should make no one complacent.
Fundamental issues remain unresolved; the momentum is dissipating;
and in the absence of progress, extremists of all stripes
and categories will gain strength.
To be fair, critical domestic
political issues have come to the fore on both sides, taking
attention away from the peace process, and limiting the appetite
for political risk on both sides. General Pervez Musharraf
is facing the most severe crisis of his tenure, his troubles
mounting with the latest Supreme Court ruling allowing his
arch rival former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, to return to
the country after seven years in exile. Meanwhile, the Indian
political class is trying to save its own government. Before
this, it was busy with important elections in Uttar Pradesh
(where the ruling party fared miserably) and then in choosing
a president.
However, lack of time can be
neither a justification nor an adequate explanation for the
lack of progress in the bilateral relationship. Rather, it
is the absence of political will on both sides to push ahead
and build on past achievements. In the past, the leadership
has been able to push the envelope, and come up with out-of-the-box
solutions. Pakistan has given up on UN resolutions that it
had harped on for decades, and has also told militants in
Kashmir that they should not expect complete support from
Islamabad. They were advised by the general to come to the
negotiating table. India has accepted, for all purposes, that
Kashmir is a dispute; it has, even if sporadically, begun
negotiations with Kashmiri groups. Both Manmohan Singh and
General Musharraf have agreed that the solution lies not in
redrawing boundaries but in making the Line of Control a soft
border – allowing interaction, and devolving more power
to Kashmiris on both sides.
We had, in these pages, said
that 2007 could be the “year of Kashmir”: there
is momentum, public support, and the political space for the
leadership on both sides to think of a bold solution. On a
positive note, it is heartening that there are not many signs
of the situation descending back into violent conflict. But
time is running out. With governments in both countries in
weak positions compared to the past, their ability to dare
to innovate has become increasingly limited. The media and
civil society, rather than hide behind the cover of easy nationalism,
can help by bringing issues related to the peace process back
on the national agenda, and showing that the peace constituency
is alive and, in fact, growing. Both governments need to start
talking more. The backchannel communication on Kashmir, which
has made progress, needs to be energised. In the 60th year
of Independence, the best gift for the people of India and
Pakistan would be a stronger peace process – one that
makes progress on some of the most contentious issues of our
times. |