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‘The world is watching’ 03 June 2011
On 26 May, the Pakistani journalist Syed Saleem Shahzad posted on Twitter for the last time: ‘First inside a/c of Pakistan Naval base attack,’ followed by this link: http://atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/ME27Df06.html. On 31 May, one of his friends replied to this post: ‘@SyedSaleemShahz: Have been following news of your arrest. I hope you are ok. The world is watching.’ But Saleem Shahzad never answered.
He went missing on Sunday, 29 May, reportedly leaving home to participate in a programme organised by a private television channel, Dunya TV. But he never reached the station, nor did anyone hear from him ever again. According to reports, Saleem had left his house in Islamabad, but disappeared without contacting his family or friends. Thus far, no one has been able to trace his mobile phone or car.
Shahzad had recently filed a two-part investigative story for Asia Times Online, for which he was head of the Islamabad bureau. That set of articles detailed the 22 May attack at the Pakistan Naval Staff (PNS) Mehran base in Karachi; he was supposed to be in the process of working on additional pieces about the attack. In the published material, Shahzad had contended that al-Qaeda had attacked the naval base in response to the 2 May killing of Osama bin Laden – and after talks with the Pakistan Navy on the release of about 10 detainees, suspected to be al-Qaeda members, had failed. He had also reported that al-Qaeda had established a ‘good network’ with the Pakistan Navy, and that ‘there were negotiations between an Al-Qaeda operative in North Waziristan and naval officers.’
Also in May, Shahzad had published a book, book Inside Al-Qaeda and the Taliban: Beyond Bin Laden and 9/11. In that work, Shahzad had reported that the 26/11 Mumbai attacks were pushed through by Ilyas Kashmiri, the militant Islamist leader, planned and orchestrated by ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence) officers and executed by Lashkar-e-Toiba. Due to the explosive nature of this material, when Shahzad went missing, close friends and family quickly suspected that he might have been abducted. Indeed, it has since been revealed that Shahzad had already indicated to Human Rights Watch (HRW) and to some of his friends that he had been threatened by the ISI. In response, the ISI, speaking to a single national news agency in Islamabad, has denied the allegations as ‘baseless’.
In fact, as soon as Shahzad went missing, HRW immediately and publicly stated that he was in the custody of Pakistani intelligence agencies, though the government neither confirmed nor denied that he had been ‘picked up’. The ISPR, the agency’s media cell, could not be contacted for any further information.
Meanwhile, Hameed Haroon, publisher of Dawn newspaper and president of the All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS), made a daring statement by confirming that Shahzad had in fact told him about the threats: ‘I wish to state on record that the e-mail in possession of Ali Dayan, the monitor for Human Rights Watch (HRW) stationed in Lahore, Pakistan, is indeed one of the three identical e-mails sent by Shahzad to his employers (Asia Times Online) and to his former employer, myself. I also wish to verify that allegations levied by HRW at the ISI are essentially in complete consonance with the contents of the slain journalists e-mail. The late journalist confided to me and several others that he had received death threats from various officers of the ISI on at least three occasions in the past five years. Whatever the substance of these allegations, they form an integral part of Shahzad’s last testimony.’
Haroon also said that the ‘last’ threat to which he was referring was recorded by Shahzad at 4:11 am on 18 October 2010. At that time, Shahzad recounted the details of his meeting at the ISI headquarters in Islamabad with the director-general of ISI’s media wing, Rear-Admiral Adnan Nazir; the deputy director-0general of the media wing, Commodore Khalid Pervaiz, was also present on the occasion. The focus of the meeting was the subject of Shahzad’s story at the time, detailing how the Pakistani government had freed senior Afghan Taliban commander Mullah Baraadar, published in Asia Times. Shahzad informed the senior officials that the story was leaked by an intelligence channel in Pakistan and confirmed by the ‘most credible Taliban source’. The senior officials then suggested to Shahzad that he officially deny the story, which he refused to do, terming the officials’ demand ‘impractical’.
Shahzad also stated that the rear-admiral offered him some information ‘as a favour’, stating that ISI had ‘recently arrested a terrorist and have recovered a lot of data, diaries and other materials during the interrogation. The terrorist had a hit list with him. If I find your name on the list I will certainly let you know.’ According to Haroon: ‘Shahzad subsequently confirmed to me in a conversation that he not only interpreted this conversation as a veiled threat to his person, he also informed me that he let an official from the ISI know soon thereafter that he intended to share the content of this threat with his colleagues.’
Shahzad pressed for a serious and impartial investigation. ‘Nobody, not even the ISI, should be above the law,’ he reportedly said.
All the hallmarks
Saleem Shahzad’s body was found two days after his assumed abduction, on 30 May. Police discovered his car parked next to a canal in Jhelum Sarai Alamgir, more than 100 km north of Islamabad. His body was found inside, together with his Asia Times press card and the press card of a journalist called Hamza Mudassar Ameer of the Al Quds media centre.
Ashok Kumar, a doctor with Islamabad’s Pakistan Institute of Medical Science who performed the autopsy, wrote in his official report that two of Shahzad’s ribs were broken, perhaps due to blows from a rod or kicks. At least 15 more ‘torture’ marks were found on his body, but no bullet wounds. His death ultimately appears to have been caused by punctures to his lungs and liver. ‘Saleem Shahzad’s killing bore hallmarks of previous killings perpetrated by Pakistani intelligence agencies,’ stated HRW’s Ali Dayan.
Interior Minister Rehman Malik has confirmed that a police investigation had been ordered and a reward of nearly USD 30,000 had been promised. Malik gave assurances that allegations of ISI involvement would be probed. ‘He has been hit by a blunt instrument,’ said a visibly tense Malik. ‘We will do an impartial investigation but old enmity cannot be ruled out either.’ Malik also stated that journalists have been allowed to carry small-scale weapons for self-defence.
Many have responded to Malik’s promise for an investigation with contempt, citing many such investigations in the past that have failed to lead to any result. Shahzad’s murder brings to 16 the number of journalists killed in Pakistan since the beginning of 2010 to 16; over the past eight years, that number rises to 45. No specific media group or news agency has been targeted. In fact, it is individual journalists, generally those who are outspoken and blunt, especially about matters such as the involvement of the intelligence agencies in such incidents, who come under attack.
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), one of the few rights organisations that has been following the murder and torture of journalists, released a statement immediately after Shahzad’s death: ‘The timing and manner of his abduction, the quick disposal of his body strengthens doubts of the involvement of state actors.’ HRCP Chairperson Zohra Yousuf added: ‘All media organisations should collaborate over this issue. This needs to be done to show that the journalists are all united and a strong force, otherwise they will continue to be bullied. I am not saying that the same party is behind each murder, but if journalists are supported by their media houses, and owners and top officials of a democratic set up, only then will they be somewhat safer.’
Yousuf also blamed the government for not sufficiently utilising its authority. ‘After all they did not come through a coup. They are democratically elected and they have their voters’ support,’ she said, adding that by giving ‘the defence and intelligence forces so much independence and giving them such absolute power to act on their own whims is what is marring this country. The victims are human rights’ defenders and journalists for being the most outspoken and therefore vulnerable. Already the Reporters Sans Frontieres (RSF) has declared Pakistan the most dangerous country in the world for journalists, even though countries like Afghanistan are also facing a militant war.’
Why have journalists been increasingly targeted over the past decade? ‘Thanks to the war against terrorism and the increase in militancy in some areas of Pakistan, the role of the intelligence agencies has changed and they have become stronger,’ Yousuf said. ‘Now if sensitive, controversial matters are exposed, the journalist is automatically vulnerable. We also know by now that the lower levels of the defence forces seem to have interaction or association with the militants, though this can hardly be proved.’
Meanwhile C R Shamsi, former secretary-general of PFUJ, likewise is urging media organisations to make all-out efforts to protect their workers. ‘They are the ears and eyes of their media channels and newspapers but while the camera they carry has insurance, they do not. Till when will no one do anything?’ he asked. ‘Why is there so much of this silence of a graveyard?’
~ Xari Jalil is a freelance journalist in Karachi.
See also The Saleem Shahzad I knew by Ali K Chishti
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Comments
[...]
The assassins in the khaki’re stark naked
They can’t hide anywhere anymore…
The truth's out there!
[...]
lets keep the ball rolling. this time we will not stop.