To Fight or Not to Fight
On 21 June, Himal organised a discussion in Kathmandu entitled "To Fight Or Not to Fight: Nepalis in Foreign Uniform." Below is a summary of the discussion in the five-hour session. All statements have been shortened for reason of space.
Panelists:
Vidya Bir Singh Kansakar, population geographer: During the transition to Indian independence, Jawaharlal Nehru only reluctantly agreed to allow the British to retain Gurkha battalions. For its part, the Rana government wanted recruitment continued. The British, finding it very expensive to garrison the colonies, made use of the Gurkhas. Without examining the documents of the Tripartite Agreement of 1947, it is pointless to discuss the future of the Gurkhas. The treaty papers, particularly the annexures, have to be made public. Perhaps it is time to have bilateral agreements with India and the United Kingdom to replace the Tripartite Agreement. The recruitment of Gurkhas into foreign armies has often put the country in an uncomfortable position, such as during the Indo-Pak wars. Also, neither Malays nor Yemenis have warm feelings towards the Gurkhas. Internally, Gurkha recruitment has contributed to the rising aspirations of the ethnic minorities.
As for the term "mercenary", it cannot apply to Gurkhas because they are bound by bilateral treaties between sovereign governments. If they are mercenaries, then so are Nepalis who work abroad for United Nations and other agencies. Rather than argue over such issues, it would be more useful to try to get maximum facilities for the Gurkhas and to try to seek equality in basic pays and pensions.
J.P. Cross, ex-British Gurkha officer and linguist: By no stretch of imagination can the Gurkhas be termed mercenaries. Everything which the British Government did with its Brigade of Gurkhas was based on the Tripartite Agreement of 1947. The deployment of Gurkhas was strictly according to British Government policy. Since 1945, British Government policy, as it relates to the Armed Forces, has been maintenance of law and order. self-determination, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations, regard for all treaties relating to the UK and other nations, and regard for international law. Over the past 44 years, the Gurkhas have taken part in all the campaigns of the British Army except in Korea and Northern Ireland.
Having walked about 10,000 miles over Nepal's 64 districts, I can say with confidence that it is those who could not enlist that are most vociferous against recruitment. Also, the intellectuals of Kathmandu are often against recruitment. From 1948 to the end of 1986. 37,000 Nepalis joined the British Army. Which was 0.04 per cent of the population. In 39 years of service to the British Crown, 247 were killed in action, and 552 died of other causes, a total of 2.16 per cent in fatalities out of 37,000.
The Gurkhas face great difficulty during their "re-absorption into civilian life", mainly because of the lack of infrastructure for those with trade qualifications. Ex-servicemen rarely find jobs which match their training and ability. As far as the pay scales of British Gurkhas are concerned, they were originally based on the 1947 agreement, but were modified from theatre to theatre. Certainly in Hong Kong, the pay scales are better than anything I saw when I was a soldier.
As to the argument that Gurkhas indiscriminately killed Malays in Malaya, having been personally involved all through that campaign, I know this to be untrue and can say with conviction that the Gurkhas have never been "heavy handed". The continued enlistment of Gurkhas is based on the superb reputation and skills they have as fighting men. However, no intrinsic need for Gurkhas to bolster numbers in the British Army exists. There are those within the British establishment who do not wish the Gurkhas to be retained. The extraordinarily vast reservoir of goodwill and trust that exists between Nepal and the United Kingdom transcends purely economic considerations. Both countries will suffer from a hasty and mis-judged severance of the Gurkha connection.
Sridhar Khatri, political scientist; It is important to study the question of recruitment in a historical perspective and to try and ascertain whether Nepal at any time could have emerged with a better deal from the recruitment policy. Even during the crucial moments when significant shifts occurred in Nepal's foreign policy, the recruitment question was considered above debate. In 1969, when India was asked to remove its military mission and check-posts, the recruitment issue was left untouched. Similarly, it was accepted that the "zone of peace" concept would have no effect on this question. The Gurkha factor has historically provided a national identity to Nepal, much like Everest. The economic incentive also has a self-propelling logic of its own.
Just because the political system has changed in Nepal, it is not necessary that everything else must follow suit. For the most part, recruitment will have a stabilising effect on the country's overall policy because of the continuity it would represent. Even though China, Pakistan and even Argentina may find it difficult at times to completely accept Nepalis in foreign uniform, the strong historical tradition associated with the recruitment policy does not require any further justification on Nepal's part to the international community.
Nepal's historical link with the United Kingdom will be severely weakened and, in the case of India, any attempt to discontinue the recruitment policy, which involves anywhere from 100,000 to 130,000 Nepalis. will put a wholly new dimension on relations between the two countries. The present government should first conduct a macro-level review of how Nepal should project its national interests. Only then should micro-level issues, such as the recruitment question, be evaluated. Meanwhile, the Gurkha recruitment policy has stood the test of time and we no longer need to be defensive about it.
Chaitanya Mishra, sociologist: It is an elite-centric view of history to say that Nepal "opened up" to the world only after 1950. Nepal's history is unique in that its people (including Gurkhas) migrated frequently and in vast numbers. History is being mis-interpreted in order to blame solely the Rana Regime for Nepal's backwardness, and to rationalise the subsequent regime.
The regional divide that became apparent in the recent general elections, the left's sweep in east Nepal countered by the Nepali Congress' good showing in west Nepal, may also be explained in part by the fact that recruitment is much more intense in the west. Perhaps the Nepali Congress' perceived tilt towards India helped it in the polls in the west.
It is possible that the people from the hills of Nepal might enlist regardless of the 1947 and 1952 treaties, particularly in view of the continuing bilateral migration, the open border, and the citizenship situation. The Nepali State might stop recruitment as a face-saving measure, but will that stop the people from joining?
Those who speak of the advantages of Gurkh a remittance s should remember that Gurkha recruits, had they remained back, would have also been contributing to the economy. The long years of Gurkha recruitment have actually delayed political changes in Nepal. Political change might have occurred earlier, which would have accelerated economic development. How can there be only benefits but no costs to recruitment? It is also wrong to assume that Gurkhas are being kept in foreign armies due to the sheer magnanimity of the United Kingdom or India.
Narendra Bahadur Singh, retired officer of the Indian Army: First of all, nobody forces any Nepali to join the Gurkhas. The recruits are all volunteers who are found qualified to join. In the Indian Gorkhas, there is no restriction on the rise of the Nepali soldier. Based on merit, he can rise to commission rank, become senior officer, and move on up the seniority ladder. And what does the soldier and his country get in return? What Nepal gets in return is an educated, well-trained and disciplined citizen, a good asset in any developing country. Also, the pension of the Indian Gorki' as that is disbursed in Nepal amounts to about NRs 100 crore every year.
Individual soldiers serve in the foreign country for only 20 years and are still capable of contributing to society when they return. Unfortunately, the knowledge and experience of retired soldiers has been continuously wasted in Nepal. The ex-Gurkha is considered the odd man out. The country's decision-makers must understand that a well-trained resource base exists in the community of ex-Gurkhas.
On the whole, the system of Gurkha recruitment is beneficial to the poor man in the village, and until such time that the Nepali economy can make alternative arrangements for its entire work-force, the existing system of recruitment should not be tampered with. In the meantime, the larger problems of unemployment and population growth have to be tackled. If Gurkha recruitment is beneficial to the country, there is no reason to even raise the subject.
Participants
Dor Bahadur Bista, anthropologist: Many Kathmandu-based persons tend to discuss the issue of Gurkha recruitment without knowing the reality, and the discussion too often descends to an emotional and political level. Even during the Rana years, the lahuray was not respected within Kathmandu valley. So they traveled the world, but did not come to Kathmandu, preferring instead to go directly back to their hill villages. Today's burning question is how to put the country's youth into productive work, and it is important not to start the analysis at the wrong end. Ultimately, the only solution is for development to finally reach the hills where recruitment takes place.
Novel Kishore Rai, linguist: his perfectly legitimate to openly discuss the sensitive issue of Gurkha recruitment. Bitter facts must be discussed sincerely. After all, Gurkha recruitment is a matter not of brain drain but of blood drain. On the whole, recruitment is not a good thing. How can you say that recruitment is voluntary when there are bilateral agreements and quotas on the number of Rai, Gurungs and Magars to be hired, and when there are age-old traditions which propel young hill boys into recruitment centres? The lahuray gives the most productive years of his life to foreign armies. When he returns home, he is adrift because he does not have "contacts". The socio-psychological impact of recruitment on the children of soldiers is also serious. If recruitment comes to an end, we will survive somehow.
Shyam Bhurtel, historian: State-sponsored recruitment must ultimately be stopped, but first economic, ethnic and other possible problems must be understood and tackled. As far as the 1947 agreement is concerned, it must be understood that Nepal was given no option but to sign. There can be no denying that the recruiting armies have extracted more than the full price from the Gurkhas. Can the British, for example, have fought the insurgencies in Malaysia as cheaply as they did using the Gurkhas? Regarding pays and perks, there should be equality among British and Nepali soldiers — the right to eat in the same mess, for example. "Mutually beneficial" arrangements have also to be compatible. There are many questions relating to Gurkha recruitment that have not been discussed openly, such as the role of the British Gurkhas in Brunei, and Gurkhas serving in the Singapore police force.
Bharat Upreti, lawyer: Gurkhas give their best years to the service of foreign armies, and that is a loss to the nation as a whole. As for the question of royalty, if it exists, how can it be justified? How can any entity receive royalty for the sweat of Gurkha soldiers? The person who toils should get the payment, and not any other entity, otherwise how can recruitment be regarded as being different from prostitution?
Ananta Poudel, political scientist: A foreign policy approach should inform the study of Gurkha recruitment. The there must be a structural change in such a policy, incorporating humane values and fundameuntal rights under the newly democratic conditions prevailing. Gurkha recruitment was a legacy of colonialism and the Government should not be officially party to it. If recruitment is to end, let it end. As for the tendency to identify certain groups as ascendant and other groups as downtrodden, it was no longer possible to make such generalisations in Nepali society. During the past decades, for example, in many parts of Nepal members of certain hill tribes could be described as ascendant.
Rishikesh Shah, elder statesman: The recruitment question cannot he handled in isolation. If all the Gurkhas are to be brought back, can they be resettled comfortably? Otherwise, what is the sense of any loud talk of closing recruitment? These are important questions that have to be discussed in parliament, in party working committees arid in politburos. The Gurkhas, too, are Nepali citizens, and they have training with peacetime uses. Presently, the abilities of ex-servicemen are being wasted. In negotiations with other countries relating to the Gurkhas, if there is a conflict, then of course Nepal's interests should prevail.
Navin K. Rai, ecological anthropologist: The popular thinking in Nepal focuses in an the economic benefits the hill ethnic groups are deriving from the Gurkha recruitment. What this thinking totally misses is the fact that the ethnic groups that send men in large numbers for the recruitment also are bearing disproportionate social and human costs for it. This fact is borne out clearly by the evidence that there is an inverse relationship between the number of recruits coming from ethnic groups and the numerical representation of these groups in national politics. It is urgent to begin thinking about the sociopolitical amelioration of the Gurkha returnees.
Chandra Gurung, geographer: Gurkha recruitment has opened up possibilities of education and a better life for many hill people. For that reason alone, it wilt not be so easy to stop Gurkha recruitment. But the dislocation felt by Gurkhas returning to their home communities is real, and the economic condition of many steadily declines in the years after their return. It is the responsibility of the government and the former employers to assist in resettlement of former Gurkhas and their families. The School Leaving Certificate (SLC) must be considered a minimum requirement so that young boys who do not get recruited can continue their studies. There is a big problem of uneducated youth who try again and again until it breaks their spirit, which leads to social disruption. In the case of many British Army retirees, the money does not go back to the home villages.
Dhruba Hari Adhikari, journalist: Recruitment is not an academic but a burning issue that deserves frank discussion. The recent elections witnessed some debate on the subject, and many leftists pressed for recalling the Gurkhas, while the Nepali Congress stood for continued recruitment. The skill of soldiering, which has been perfected over two centuries, should not be allowed to lapse. New roles to utilise these soldiering skills must be explored. If the United Nations is thinking of a permanent blue helmeted army, can anybody be better suited for the purpose than the Gurkhas?
Poonam Thapa, geographer: Whatever the outcome of the recruitment debate, the fact remains that Gurkha ex-servicemen are there, with skills and abilities that can be used for the country's development. Foreign donor agencies have been impressed by the development work carried out by ex-servicemen's groups. It is time HMG's planners recognised the potential that ex-servicemen represent. While it is true that many British Gurkha officers remain in Kathmandu, most retirees, perhaps 85 per cent, return to their home villages.
P. Rai, presently in the British Army: It must be emphasised that recruits do not join the Gurkha brigades "just for fun". There are compulsions. Illogical Nepali regulations must he abolished, such as one which requires British Gurkhas to bring back to Nepal only 40 per cent of their earnings. 60 per cent has to he spent outside. Why is this so, especially when UNIFIL troops of the Royal Nepal Army are allowed to bring in their full earnings after only six months in Lebanon?
Kamal Thapa, politician: The subject of recruitment no doubt arouses extreme emotions, but it is important to study it objectively. When discussing the pros and cons, the social and economic issues must be considered. It is a fact that recruitment brings enormous prestige to individual soldiers. At the same time, there are also questions of morality. Regarding the Indian Gurkhas, as long as friendship between Nepal and India is maintained, there will be no problem, but what impact will there be on Nepal's stability if at some point that friendship weakens? It is therefore important to study recruitment from a foreign policy perspective.
Kishor Uprety, lawyer: What conditionalities are present in the text of the Tripartite Agreement is important to know. The question of recruitment was primarily related to economics. Even in France, where there was a well-paid volunteer army, the Foreign Legion continued to exists. If any questions about recruitment linger, perhaps a referendum should be carried out among the people who are recruited.
Jayanta Bandyopadhyay, social analyst: Is it proper for a sovereign, democratic state to have its citizens in foreign armies? This is a question of political morality and civil morality. Also, while everyone talks of the states' responsibility to the individual, can it be forgotten that the citizen of a sovereign state, too, has reverse responsibility towards the state? As for economic morality, the mere fact that the Gurkhas bring in money cannot be seen as a positive end in itself. If there is no fiscal discipline and income is not put into productive use, then the outcome can actually be negative and ruinous. A dollar misspent on unproductive imports, for example, will actually leave Nepal more economically dependent than before.
Stephen Mikesell, anthropologist: So far, no one has spoken about the role of high rent, usury and other kinds of exploitation which forced Nepali citizens to serve as mercenaries. It is perverse to send people due to a poor economy into any army. If historical precedence is to be used to justify recruitment, then one can also condone colonialism, American involvement in Central America, prostitution, and so on. Continued recruitment also raises questions about Nepal's national identity.
Khadga Bikram Shah, former director of CNAS: Recruitment should be studied from a "politico strategic dimension", from its genesis to future scenarios. The British originally started recruiting Gurkhas in order to neutralise the Nepali capacity to launch another military misadventure, as well as to maintain Gurkhas as a neutral force loyal to the British among India's heterogenous population. Both those dimensions hold today for the Indian Gorkhas. As for the British Gurkhas, if they participate in NATO exercises, what are the implications for Nepal's non-aligned status? The question of Gurkha recruitment is, above all, a national issue. Among the first things that might be done is to have Indian and British Gurkha pensions distributed through Nepali banking channels.
Ananda Aditya, political scientist: An irony of Anglo-Nepali history was the fact that in 1817, avowed foes became the best of friends. The question of continuing recruitment is not an economic but a psychological and political question. As far as Nepalis leaving the country to go abroad for work is concerned, there are two other issues that are even more pressing than Gurkha recruitment — prostitution and labour drain.
Pradeep Giri, political thinker: The material aspects of the question of recruitment are very visible, but it is also necessary to discuss the invisible moral, ethical and spiritual dimensions. Money, employment are secondary. It is the Government's responsibility to provide sustenance to its people. At the very least, it should stop taking royalty (tiro). In ethical, moral and spiritual terms, there is no question of supporting recruitment. At the very least, a long-term campaign must be started to ultimately do away with recruitment. Certainly, recruitment "is there", as others have said, but one must also visualise the situation "if it is not there." History does not develop only by accepting reality; there is also counter-reality.
Navraj Gurung, politician: Gurkha recruitment brings enormous prestige to recruits in village society. For instance, parents are willing to pass over well-educated men to wed their daughters to uneducated recruits. During the recent elections, I was a candidate for the Nepali Congress and would have won had the Leftists suddenly not changed strategy and spread word that far from opposing recruitment and pensions, they were very supportive.
Keshar Bahadur Gadtaula, retired Royal Nepali Army officer: What is the proper forum for contemplating the question of recruitment? Questions relating to recruitment must be asked not in Kathmandu gatherings but amongst communities that send soldiers into the Gurkhas. I can vow that you would not dare discuss these issues under a pipal tree in those communities. It is not true that children of lahurays are invariably a spoilt lot. For example, at Budhanilkantha School, the offspring bf Gurkhas often outshine their peers.
Vikram Subba, researcher: The discussion so far has only been a "brain exercise" and those with actual experience as Gurkhas have not been heard thus far. Concrete issues have yet to be raised. The Government must formulate policies which will make it possible for returned servicemen to become. productive in the government as well as private sectors. Incentives and assistance must be made available.
Lal Kazi Gurung, ex-Indian Gorkha officer: I do not think we went as recruits to sell our blood. I had to go somewhere to work, so I joined the Indian Army, and I got paid according to my labour. How can anybody make a blanket statement that children of Gurkhas are wayward, when it all really depends upon the individual parents and how well they were able to control their offspring? We must remember that the number of Nepalis working in defence or security-related jobs in India is high: at leas t 55,000 active servicemen; 80-90,000 in the para-military; 20-30,000 in industrial security; and 10,000 in the Port Commission. Gurkha recruitment must end only when the Nepali State can arrange for "gaas, baas and kapaas". A 200 year old tradition cannot be halted just by wishing it. First, let us lay firm foundations (adhar) and start a phase-wise programme. As for those who liken recruitment to the sale of blood, what do they term the labour of those who go to the Arab countries?
Deepak Gurung, retired British Gurkha officer and former editor of Parbate: All that had been said against recruitment sounds like "sour grapes". At the present juncture, even raising the issue of recruitment is foolhardy. After all, the Nepali soldiers are but employees, and India and the United Kingdom are the employers. The Gurkhas are not conscripts, but volunteers, and make up but 0.0I per cent of the population of the country. Those who shout loudest against recruitment are always the first in line at the recruitment camp. If the Leftists come to power, no one needs to worry about closing recruitment, it will happen automatically. What is important to discuss is not recruitment, but the facilities that the soldiers are entitled to. As for the future, the Tripartite Agreement should be extended for as long as possible.
Basanta Thapa, journalist: If the Gurkhas were to be termed mercenaries, then any Nepali who goes into any kind of foreign service might be termed a mercenary. Under existing circumstances, Gurkha recruitment must continue.
Puma Bahadur Gurung, ex-British Gurkha officer: Returning ex-servicemen who want to start productive lives in Nepal face grave obstacles. One of the biggest problems of returning soldiers is tackling the local bureaucracy in order to get things done. Presently, the qualifications gained by Gurkhas on assignment are not recognised back in Nepal. The Government must take steps to ensure that such qualifications and trades are recognised. An employment exchange must also be started, which will help find proper employment for returning soldiers. This will aid greatly in their resettlement. What would happen to the Nepali State if all the benefit derived from Gurkha incomes are to stop?