A group of world leaders, including Xi Jinping, pose for a photo during the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in 2023 in front of a vibrant floral backdrop. In the front row, from left to right, are the presidents of Indonesia, Russia, China, and Kazakhstan. Leaders from other countries, including Pakistan, Thailand, Hungary, Kenya, and Sri Lanka, stand in the back row.
Xi Jinping (front, second from right) with Southasian and global leaders at a Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in 2023. By 2049, China may well fulfill Xi’s sweeping vision for the BRI, or the initiative may collapse under the weight of shifting geopolitics and bureaucratic missteps.IMAGO / Kyodo News

What is the Belt and Road Initiative really?

‘The Belt and Road City’ argues China is wielding the BRI to reshape the global cities around its own ideals – but good luck pinning down what those are

Joshua Yang is a freelance journalist. He has reported on China–India relations from Delhi, written about migrant workers in Israel and covered Hong Kong’s disappearing spaces. His work has appeared in Foreign Policy, Rest of World, The Nation and elsewhere.

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IN APRIL of this year, the United States, seemingly no longer content to uphold the status quo of global trade and power, unleashed a barrage of tariffs against every single country in the world. The new policies set a baseline tariff of 10 percent on all goods coming into the United States, with some countries (along with uninhabited territories) facing even higher tariff rates. Though US president Donald Trump temporarily put most of these tariffs on halt after days of precipitous stock-index drops and ominous bond-market rumblings, the damage was done: It was lost on no one that the United States had effectively threatened to end the global free-trade regime it had played a leading role in establishing, fostering and defending for decades.

It is no exaggeration to say that globalisation is, and has been for some time now, at the precipice. While the US tariffs were the latest salvo against an established international consensus, they were hardly the first. The supply-chain aftershocks of the Covid-19 pandemic – fluctuating gas prices, shipping delays, vicious inflation – laid bare the fragility of a system in which a single cargo ship stuck in the Suez Canal could bring much of global trade to a halt, as happened in March 2021. In democratic elections in 2024, in country after country, incumbent parties either lost or saw significant drops in vote share, in no small part due to widespread anger over the economy.

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