Superficial religiosity under the shadow of ideology

On 17 August 1947, after just three days of independence in Pakistan, Muhammad Abdullah Quereshi, a politician, published an article in an Urdu newspaper titled "A Need to Change and Amend the History Curriculum". In it, Quereshi suggested that, during the colonial period, the history of Muslims in Southasia had been distorted by both the British and the Hindus of India, with the motive of diminishing their achievements. Therefore, Quereshi argued, the current context offered an opportunity to correct historical facts, and to rewrite the past in a way that highlighted the contributions that had been made by Muslims to the world. He also expressed his satisfaction that the government of Punjab province had already set up a committee to design history courses. Thus, from the very beginning of the country's creation, history has been used as a tool to formulate and propagate the ideology of Pakistan – a process that was, of course, in the interests of the country's ruling classes.

At its birth, Pakistan, with an emerging society, inherited three elements as part of the Indian Muslim ideological legacy. Foremost amongst these was the poetry of Altaf Hussain Hali and Muhammad Iqbal, structured around an illusion of a supposedly glorious past; this enthralled readers, and gave birth to revivalist movements of all hues. Second, having developed something of an inferiority complex and a sense of insecurity, Muslims of the Subcontinent adopted an anti-Hindu attitude – one that was, by default, also anti-democratic. Third, the leadership in Pakistan quickly turned to dealing with all political issues in a sentimental rather than rational manner.

When the demand for the creation of Pakistan was first put forward, it quickly shaped itself into a claim for a separate homeland for Muslims, where they could live according to their beliefs. Consequently, separation rather than integration became the core of the Pakistan Movement. Today, 61 years after Independence, when Pakistanis look back at their own history these elements can still be found in the country's body politic.

After the creation of Pakistan, the new nation state faced a number of political, social, economic and cultural crises. The country survived, however, and eventually took a course that was supposed to help in determining its identity. Playing a notably important role in the shaping of this identity, and in determining its destiny, was a question that formed the core of a very particular national ideology: How to carve out an identity separate from India. If India was secular, then Pakistan had to be Islamic, if for no other reason than to justify Partition.

In the early phases, the task of framing this ideology was in the hands of 'modern' scholars such as I H Qureshi and S M Ikram. They manufactured the historical base for the concept of 'two nations', and for the role of Islam in shaping a solid Muslim community on the Subcontinent. These nationalist scholars enthusiastically traced the concept of the 'two nations' from the time of Akbar to 'prove' that the two communities had long been living separately from each other. Qureshi vehemently supported this 'Islamic ideology' as the basis for the state of Pakistan.

This argument was followed up on by Javid Iqbal. During the 1950s, he wrote a book called Ideology of Pakistan, in which he stated: "Obviously Pakistan is an ideological state and can, therefore, survive now only as long as its ideological integrity is ensured. It is this ideology which is the foundation of our nationhood, and is the source of our national, political, economic, cultural, religious and moral values or ideals and their expression." He continued: "Pakistan claims itself to be an ideological state because it is founded on Islam."

In the second phase, the task of consolidating and solidifying this national ideology was taken over by religious scholars and educationists, including by textbook writers who enjoyed the government's backing. In one such textbook, Pakistan Studies, author Gul Shahzad Sarwar wrote: "The ideology of Pakistan means the ideology of Islam. It guides us in every aspect of life." The same theme is repeated in other textbooks. Thus, on the basis of ideological guidance, both the Pakistani state and society passed through a process of Islamisation. This manifested in rapid transformations in the country's educational, legal and economic systems. It also led to an opening of floodgates of confusion and chaos.

Co-opting Jinnah
The implication of Pakistan having a national ideology is that the state is a religious entity whose official faith is Islam. This contradicts the concept of the modern nation state – at least as it is practiced in democracies around the world, the bases of which are invariably secular nationalism. This concept also naturally excludes all minorities from the concept of nationhood, relegating them instead to a secondary position of citizenship.

A severe blow was dealt to Pakistan's minorities in 1949, with the passage of the Objectives Resolution, which declared that "Sovereignty belongs to God." Again, this idea is in contradiction with the modern concept of democracy, in which sovereignty belongs to the people. The resolution also prohibited the passage of any law that went against the Quran and the traditions of the Prophet Mohammad. As a consequence, the entire process of lawmaking in Pakistan has remained largely static, judged against the fast-changing modern world, which includes myriad transformations brought in by new technologies and a revision of outdated values.

According to the 'Pakistan ideology', the concept of 'two nations' did not end even after Partition, and today serves to explicate the difference between Muslims and non-Muslims. Indeed, the ideology today remains sacrosanct: to challenge or deny it amounts to blasphemy, a crime punishable with 10 years of rigorous imprisonment, according to a law passed under Nawaz Sharif's premiership in 1998. Today, the ideology seeps into every aspect of the life of the average Pakistani. Religious parties have garnered strength by stridently calling for the creation of a true Islamic state. Such groups generally adopt one of two approaches in attempting to achieve this objective. First, some parties attempt to capture power by armed struggle, which they refer to as jihad against 'secular and irreligious elements'. Second, some hope to control the state through the democratic process, but with a promise to implement Sharia law.

Such opportunistic behaviour is certainly not confined to 'extremist' outfits. Mainstream political parties also publicise manifestos containing religious provisions, both in an effort to counter the religious parties and to gain the popular vote. Undeniably, religion has become the most important factor in the politics of Pakistan, dragging even the army into the fray.

During the course of its imposition, the Pakistan ideology has transformed and reshaped the images of two individuals in particular, who are seen as the pillars of the country's creation: the national poet, Iqbal, as noted above, and the founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The former is identified as the one who first articulated the idea of Pakistan as a separate homeland for Indian Muslims. In this respect, as the creator of the idea, Iqbal's position has for many become even more important than that of Jinnah's, who has only been given credit for materialising the poet's dream.

At the same time, it was no coincidence that Iqbal's ideas suited the interests of Pakistan's ruling class, who are forever discovering themes in his poetry that help them to promote their religious agendas. His concepts of the ghazi (holy warrior), momin (true believer) and umma certainly provide rich and persuasive material for fundamentalists, as does his reliance on military power for the glorification of the nation, and his anti-West, anti-democracy, anti-women, anti-philosophy and anti-fine-arts rhetoric.

The same elements have also transformed Jinnah into a religious figure, even while the fact that the Quaid was notably secular in his private life is conveniently ignored. On the basis of speeches in which he mentioned Islam, Jinnah's personality and views have been thoroughly reconstructed, such that today he is portrayed as a deeply religious person. In a tactical move, instead of disowning Jinnah, the political parties have transformed his image and adopted him to serve their own interests. To this day, particularly in the Urdu press, articles are planted that narrate his supposed religious zeal. Likewise, in his official portrait, Jinnah is deliberately always shown in a sherwani, further creating the impression of a man of deep faith. Thus, the manipulated images of Jinnah have become effective tools in the hands of the rightist parties.

Stagnant ideology
The ideological state is forced to carry a heavy burden. It has to constantly defend and protect itself against all sorts of challenges. In addition, it must justify its existence scientifically, culturally and socially – and distort facts and history, if need be, to hide its weaknesses. Finally, it must interpret and reinterpret its own image on a perpetual basis, in order to feel confident. In an ideological state, only one truth prevails. All objective thought is discarded, and doors to new ideas are resolutely slammed shut.

If we analyse the condition of Pakistan today, we realise that the society on the whole has suffered, even declined, as a result of this ideological stranglehold. As there is no space for new ideas, creativity has been stifled continuously over the decades. The country is barely capable of producing philosophers, historians, poets, artists, filmmakers, architects, writers, novelists or musicians whose talents are based solely on their creativity. Both intellectually and culturally, the country has become distressingly barren, and there is little to nourish young minds except for obsolete ideas.

The fallout of the Pakistan ideology has certainly had a dramatic impact on the country's artists. Aligarh-born writer Qurrat-ul-Ain Haider, who passed away recently, decided to go back to India (which she had left in 1947) following the bitter criticism in Pakistan of her novel, Aag ka darya (River of fire), which spans a history of more than 2000 years. Ustad Bade Ghulam Ali Khan, the master of Hindostani classical music, likewise chose to migrate to India, where he was received enthusiastically. Josh Malihabadi, who had migrated to Pakistan from India at Partition, found that his poetry and prose was branded too radical and iconoclastic, some of which was even banned when some of his comments to the media met with disfavour by both the establishment and the religious groups. For his part, Faiz Ahmad Faiz stayed out of the country for most of his life, failing to find an atmosphere conducive his creativity. Credit goes to Habib Jalib who, in spite of frequent imprisonment, continued writing rebellious poetry from within Pakistan.

In the academic field, too, the country has suffered heavily. To meet the exigencies of the ideological state, soon after the creation of Pakistan, two new subjects – Pakistan Studies and Islamiyat – were introduced at all levels of education, to turn future generations into 'good' Pakistanis and 'good' Muslims. Thereafter, historians and political scientists began to spend all of their energy justifying the creation of Pakistan, whether they wanted to or not. As the standard of academic research declined, Pakistani scholars inevitably lost contact with international academia.

Sadly, there are today no independent organisations in Pakistan where social scientists can come together in order to discuss research projects. There exist a few sub-standard research journals that are, understandably, not recognised internationally. On the global scene, Pakistan today has been able to achieve almost no standing in terms of academic achievement and credibility. When the state has decided that only one, official truth must prevail, there is little space left for credible, objective academic research. As a result, society too plunges into extremism, and fundamentalism grows rapidly as the only agent of change. At that point, there is no alternative force left to challenge this assault on society.

Ironically, one element of progress has actually reinforced this backward slide. Technology is today helping to popularise conservative ideas in Pakistan, with the help of cassettes, CDs and the Internet. Nowadays, nearly all television channels in Pakistan broadcast programmes that strengthen extremist notions, and make people more narrow-minded in the process.

The display of superficial religiosity has become a popular way to flag personal expressions of piety and religious devotion. Going on pilgrimages such as Haj and Umrah has become a popular phenomenon, in order to earn a respectable position in the eyes of the people. The rich, especially the business community, donate significant amounts in the name of charity to madrassahs and mosques. But in spite of this show of religious fervour, much of Pakistani society at the top remains morally corrupt and inept. At the mass level, crimes against women are on the rise, with increased cases of kidnapping, rape, 'honour killing' and the parading of women naked in the streets.

True, some groups and individuals over the past 61 years have raised their voices against the restrictions placed on citizens due to the state's interpretation of the national ideology. Civil-society activists have also heroically tried to make attempts to create a liberal and progressive atmosphere. Sadly, however, such brave initiatives have borne little fruit. As for the question of whether there is still hope for Pakistan to rid itself of an obscurantist ideological stranglehold, the answer is both yes and no. This will, after all, depend almost entirely on strengthening civil-society initiatives that have long tried to break free of a narrow-minded interpretation of state ideology.

~ Mubarak Ali is a historian based in Lahore. He is the editor of the Urdu quarterly journal, Tarikh.