Myanmar’s “general’s election” has failed before it has even started
On 15 December, at a press conference in Yangon, Myanmar’s deputy minister for information, Major General Zaw Min Tun, said that the country’s upcoming election was intended for the country’s citizens and not a global audience. The junta was unconcerned about international recognition, he said.
Zaw Min Tun’s statement came soon after New Zealand parliamentarians described Myanmar’s impending election as “not a general election” but rather “a general’s election.” The remark captures precisely the nature and intent of the electoral process set to kick off on 28 December and running through to 25 January, designed not to restore the democracy smothered by Myanmar’s 2021 military coup but rather to entrench military control. Multiple intergovernmental bodies such as the European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have publicly signalled that they will not recognise the election, calling it neither free nor credible and refusing to engage with it as a legitimate democratic process.
Since seizing power in February 2021, the military has issued seven six-month extensions of a nationwide state of emergency under junta authority, with the last expiring on 31 July 2025. Hours after the lapse, Myanmar’s state television announced the reimposition of martial law and a state of emergency in nine of the country’s 14 states, citing concerns about armed violence. Legal analysts have pointed out that the initial declaration of the state of emergency failed to meet the procedural requirements of Myanmar’s 2008 constitution, which was drafted and imposed by the military. The coup was triggered by unsubstantiated allegations of fraud in the 2020 general election, which the National League for Democracy (NLD) had won decisively. While the public has consistently voted for the NLD whenever free elections have been held, the military has repeatedly wrested power from them under varied pretexts.
The upcoming election, orchestrated by the generals, is an attempt to legitimise the military’s grip on power. A closer look, however, reveals a repressive legal framework that entrenches military control and eliminates political opposition, making the whole process a sham. The election will not be truly representative, with 56 townships already excluded from the vote as large swathes of territory remain under the control of anti-junta armed groups resisting military rule. Maintaining the status quo of military dominance will also allow lawlessness to persist – particularly in cross-border online fraud and drug-trafficking operations – victimising both the people of Myanmar and others around the world.
THE PRIMARY AUTHORITY responsible for overseeing political parties and ensuring citizens’ rights to nominate and vote for legislative representatives is the junta-controlled Union Election Commission (UEC), which has largely been headed by former military officers. The current chair of the UEC is Than Soe, a former major general in the Tatmadaw – the armed forces of Myanmar. He was preceded by the former air force colonel Ko Ko Hlaing and major general Thein Soe. Thein Soe oversaw the administration of the 2010 general election and was re-appointed UEC chairperson from 2021 until early 2024. The 2010 election was widely seen as neither free nor fair, with the political opposition alleging advance-voting fraud and coerced voting while the UEC turned a blind eye. It is clear that the UEC is not an independent body, but one firmly controlled by the military.
In January 2023, the military administration enacted the Political Parties Registration Law, authorising the UEC to regulate party registration, formation and dissolution. The UEC has repeatedly prevented genuine opposition involvement by dissolving or refusing to register numerous political parties under stringent new regulations, including the once-dominant NLD and other long-standing political groups. This has reduced electoral competition to a small number of parties aligned with the junta regime. The tighter party-registration requirements – such as minimum membership thresholds and mandated presence across townships – have also been employed to disqualify individual candidates and occasionally to remove names from the ballot after review. The provisions bar any party from contesting the election if it is accused of electoral fraud, unlawful conduct or engaging with “terrorist” individuals or organisations – a label the regime applies broadly to opponents of military rule. These provisions appear intended to block serious challengers and to ensure a legislature that is dominated by junta allies rather than reflecting authentic political competition.
